Category Archives: Social conditions
The common assertion arising from the latest election in the North of Ireland is that Sinn Fein now has the upper hand. That reform of the local settlement is now inevitable and Gerry Adams has gone so far as to assert that a united Ireland is now back on the agenda.
However the loss of the overall unionist majority is largely a profound psychological shock rather than a practical issue. The seats are:
(inc 2 Green, 1PBP)
So The DUP remains the largest party and would nominate the first minister. The loss of the overall majority relies on the dubious idea that Alliance is not a unionist party – they have in the past designated themselves as unionist to save the assembly and until recently fulfilled a role as lynch pin for the sectarian setup by holding the justice ministry position.
In addition in the coming negotiations Sinn Fein will be facing the British government. They themselves have complained that the pro-unionist positions of the British secretary, James Brokenshire, should make him unsuitable as chair. They will also be appealing to a Dublin government hostile to Sinn Fein that acts as an agent of reaction in both parts of the Island.
The settlement in Ireland is not designed to lead to a united Ireland and the issue depends entirely on gaining permission from Britain to hold a vote restricted to the six-county area – permission that will not be forthcoming. Read the rest of this entry →
Posted in 21st century republicanism and socialism, Democratic rights - general, Economy and workers' resistance, Irish politics today, national, Partition, Provos - then and now, Public events - Ireland, Repression and resistance in the six counties today, six counties, Social conditions, Trade unions, twenty-six counties, Unionism, loyalism, sectarianism
•In terms of being endowed with multi-millionaires, Belfast is proportionally banking way above its weight with 35.8 multi-millionaires per 100,000 population, third only to oil-rich Aberdeen (53.0) and London (51.6). Yet as a region, NI has the highest proportion of households with no savings accounts and the highest proportion of households deriving income from disability benefit.
•The “Wallace Park” council ward in Lisburn is the least deprived ward in NI. Whiterock in Belfast is the most deprived. Of the top 20 least-deprived wards, four have switched between the 2001 census and the most recent 2011 census from being majority Protestant to being majority Catholic: “that the four new areas are all in Peter Robinson’s Castlereagh constituency is evidence of a remarkable Read the rest of this entry →
PUBLIC HOUSING FOR ALL –
DUBLIN BAY NORTH CAMPAIGN LAUNCH,
7.30pm, Monday, February 13,
Kilmore Recreation Centre, Cromcastle Rd, Kilmore, Dublin 5.
Speakers: éirígí Dublin Bay North rep Ciarán Heaphey; Dublin Bay North Housing Crisis Community’s Aisling Hedderman. Chaired by Damien Farrell.
Join éirígí Dublin Northeast to help launch the campaign for Public Housing For All in Dublin Bay North area.
The reign of the Landlord, Banker, Developer, Estate Agent and all of the other parasites that use housing to grow rich off the labour of others must be brought to an end.
Please INVITE all of your friends to LIKE this event and join the campaign to turn the Right to Housing from an empty slogan into a reality.
Lunchtime Seminar: Dr. Rory Hearne, TASC ‘Can ‘Rebuilding Ireland’ solve the housing crisis?’
26 January 2017 – 12:45pm to 02:15pm
On Thursday 26th January Dr. Rory Hearne, TASC, will deliver a talk entitled ‘Can ‘Rebuilding Ireland’ solve the housing crisis?’
An analysis of the effectiveness and likely impact of the Government’s housing strategy ‘Rebuilding Ireland’. The seminar will present a macro-level political economy analysis of the government’s overall approach to housing combined with an in-depth analysis of the government’s social housing statistics, the impact and role of NAMA, the re-emergence of Public Private Partnerships and it will detail some alternative policies that could provide a more human rights and equality orientated housing system.
The seminar will take place in TASC’s offices in Castleriver House, 14-15 Parliament Street, Dublin 2. (Entrance on Essex Street East).
The event, which is free of charge, will run from 12.45 tea/coffee with the seminar starting at 13.00 and ending at 14.15 sharp.
The idea of the lunchtime seminars is that you are free to bring your own ‘brown bag’ lunch to eat. Complimentary tea and coffee will be available.
Please RSVP to Sylvia Byrne on 01 6169050 or by email to firstname.lastname@example.org if you wish to attend.
by J. McAnulty
On 25th November thousands of activists demonstrated in Dublin calling for the abolition of the 8th amendment to the Irish constitution – a section that asserts equal rights to life between the mother and foetus (the wording refers to the “unborn” which assumes that that life begins at conception). The demonstration was in part was a celebration of the decision by ICTU, the Irish trade union congress, to support the call to repeal the 8th. In tribute to recent mobilisations by Polish women, many wore black – the main symbol for the Polish demonstrations.
Yet the two campaigns are very different, and the comparison shows up many weaknesses in the Irish movement. They are similar in that both involve the mobilisation of tens of thousands of women, fed up with church and state ruling over their bodies. However in Poland we had a spontaneous movement that took strike action and went onto the streets in an instant and successful counter to an attack by the right, designed to extend the law to prevent abortion under any circumstances. The Irish movement is based around a call for a referendum to remove a decades old element of the constitution and is heavily dominated by the trade union bureaucracy and the populist and reformist politics they espouse.
The colour and militancy of the demonstrations tends to disguise the fact that the repeal campaign, as with anti-austerity campaigns and protests against water charges led by the union bosses, is at its heart a lobbying campaign aimed at persuading the Irish bourgeoisie to change direction. This limits both policy and tactics.
Of course the idea that the constitution poses such a direct threat to women is repulsive and should always be opposed, but it is the Read the rest of this entry →
by Paddy Browne (1916 Societies, writing in personal capacity; I took this from The Pensive Quill, here)
It was a campaign that sent shivers through the British establishment and rocked it to its foundation. The commitment and ingenuity of the Óglaigh in the IRA and INLA – and the price paid by both organisations and the community in general – will never be forgotten. And while they may not have achieved the ultimate goal they most certainly advanced it.
People have been trying to mimic the campaign from 1997 without major success. They need to realise it is not enough to profess to fight a war when it is far from a reality – when your greatest contribution is to send our young men and women to gaol.
I believe the success of republicanism will come from the trust of the community in which we previously relied – heavily – in the past. It is through them that we must present our argument, for approval, and it is them that we need to support in their time of need.
Before we have unity in Ireland, with substance, we need a social revolution that will Read the rest of this entry →
Posted in 21st century republicanism and socialism, Anti-household and anti-water tax, Democratic rights - general, Economy and workers' resistance, General revolutionary history, Hunger strikes, Irish politics today, Partition, Political education and theory, Prisoners - past, Public sector/cuts, Repression and resistance in the six counties today, Repression in 26-county state, Social conditions
This is actually two years old, but I only just came across it. It is a talk given by Willie Gallagher to the 2014 Irish Republican Socialist Party ard fheis in October 2014.
the difficulty I had when first asked to give this presentation was ‘how do I condense 40yrs of our history into a 10 to 15 minute presentation. A definitive and detailed account would take many months, if not years, of research as well as interviewing scores of past activists. The following account is my no means definitive and of course is subject to criticism given the fact that it is laced with my own personal opinion and interpretation.
Even though this year is the 40th anniversary of our birth the Irish Republican Socialist Party can trace its roots back to James Connolly and the Irish Citizens Army.
After the border campaign in the 1950s, serious debate took place within the Republican Movement about how exactly it could become more relevant to the everyday needs of the people in an Ireland vastly different from the times of Connolly and the ICA.
The Republican Movement after the unsuccessful border campaign was not ideologically united and consisted of Read the rest of this entry →
Posted in 1981 hunger strike, 21st century republicanism and socialism, Border Campaign/Operation Harvest, British state repression (general), Censorship, Civil rights movement, Commemorations, Economy and workers' resistance, Elections, Frame-ups, General revolutionary history, Historiography and historical texts, Irish Citizen Army, Irish politics today, IRSP, James Connolly, Officials, Partition, Political education and theory, Prisoners - past, Provos - then and now, Public events - Ireland, Repression and resistance in 1970s and 1980s, Repression and resistance in the six counties today, Repression in 26-county state, Republicanism 1960s, Republicanism post-1900, Revolutionary figures, Social conditions, Unionism, loyalism, sectarianism, Workers rights
Residents of Basin Street Flats and supporters have begun an occupation of Dublin City Council offices to demand that the council immediately address a range of maintenance and management issues in the south inner city flats complex. The recent flooding of a number of homes from leaking rooftop water tanks was just the latest in a long line of problems that residents have been forced to endure over recent years.
Despite the massive housing crisis gripping Dublin City, there have been continuous rolling cutbacks to housing maintenance staff levels for a number of years, a situation that neither the state nor the council are willing to reverse. With all others avenues exhausted, the residents are now fully justified in stepping up their campaign. Our representative for Dublin South Central, Damien Farrell, and other éirígi activists are participating in the protest as a show of solidarity with the residents of the Basin Street Flats.
by Philip Ferguson
It seems a long time now since trade union members in the south of Ireland voted to reject Croke Park 11, a deal promoted by leaders of the Irish Congress of Trade Unions in partnership with the Fine Gael/Labour coalition government in Dublin. The current coalition, like the Fianna Fail/Green coalition that preceded it, has sought to make southern Irish workers pay for the financial crisis of Irish banks and the meltdown of the so-called ‘Celtic Tiger’ economy.
For several decades the bulk of the union leadership has pushed tripartite deals with the bosses and the state, a ‘partnership’ model which has been held up by union leaderships as far afield as New Zealand as worth emulating. But these tripartite deals did not deliver to workers even during the ‘good times’ of the ‘boom’ periods in the 1990s and early 2000s. Now the boom has turned to bust the partnership model has simply locked unions into accepting responsibility for the financial crisis and agreeing to the austerity measures demanded by the Troika.
Rhetoric v resistance
The leadership of the Irish Congress of Trade Unions has engaged in some token rhetoric about ‘sharing the burden’ of the crisis and they have marched workers up and down the hill and then sent them home a couple of times. But, in general, they have acted as faithful lieutenants of the state and capital, serving more to Read the rest of this entry →
Posted in 21st century republicanism and socialism, Anti-household and anti-water tax, Democratic rights - general, Economy and workers' resistance, Elections, EU, Fianna Fail, Fine Gael, Fintan Lalor, General revolutionary history, Independent Workers Union, Irish politics today, James Connolly, Labour Party, national, Partition, Political education and theory, Provos - then and now, Repression and resistance in the six counties today, Repression in 26-county state, Revolutionary figures, six counties, Social conditions, Toadyism, Trade unions, twenty-six counties, Unionism, loyalism, sectarianism, Workers rights