Category Archives: Women’s rights
by J. McAnulty
On 25th November thousands of activists demonstrated in Dublin calling for the abolition of the 8th amendment to the Irish constitution – a section that asserts equal rights to life between the mother and foetus (the wording refers to the “unborn” which assumes that that life begins at conception). The demonstration was in part was a celebration of the decision by ICTU, the Irish trade union congress, to support the call to repeal the 8th. In tribute to recent mobilisations by Polish women, many wore black – the main symbol for the Polish demonstrations.
Yet the two campaigns are very different, and the comparison shows up many weaknesses in the Irish movement. They are similar in that both involve the mobilisation of tens of thousands of women, fed up with church and state ruling over their bodies. However in Poland we had a spontaneous movement that took strike action and went onto the streets in an instant and successful counter to an attack by the right, designed to extend the law to prevent abortion under any circumstances. The Irish movement is based around a call for a referendum to remove a decades old element of the constitution and is heavily dominated by the trade union bureaucracy and the populist and reformist politics they espouse.
The colour and militancy of the demonstrations tends to disguise the fact that the repeal campaign, as with anti-austerity campaigns and protests against water charges led by the union bosses, is at its heart a lobbying campaign aimed at persuading the Irish bourgeoisie to change direction. This limits both policy and tactics.
Of course the idea that the constitution poses such a direct threat to women is repulsive and should always be opposed, but it is the Read the rest of this entry →
One of the few policy positions of the party – in fact, the only one that springs to mind – I have disagreed with has been the initial position on abortion. I have argued here, and elsewhere, that only a right-to-choose position is consistent with socialist-republican principles. In fact, it’s the only position consistent with republicanism – a secular, modernising, emancipatory trend in Irish politics. The party has now adopted a full right-to-choose position. I hope that nobody leaves over this, just as those of us who disagreed with the old/original position didn’t let that get in the way of seeing éirígí as the best thing in Irish politics since the founding of the IRSP back in 1974. (And, incidentally, the IRSP very quickly after its establishment adopted a right-to-choose position.)
Following is the party statement issued a few hours ago:
éirígí adopts full pro-choice position and calls for the introduction of legislation to allow for the unimpeded access to legal, free and safe terminations of unwanted pregnancies in both the Six and Twenty-Six Counties.
The Party membership, voting within local Ciorcal (branches), over the last number of weeks have overwhelmingly adopted a motion which was first presented to the 2015 Ard Fheis in November last. The wording of the adopted motion reads,
“éirígí rejects sexism in all of its forms and reasserts its commitment to full equality for all, regardless of gender. éirígí recognises the inherent right of all people to control their own bodies, including their reproductive organs and reproductive processes. éirígí therefore supports the right to unimpeded access to legal, free and safe terminations of unwanted pregnancies.
“Pending the creation of an all-Ireland state, we call for the rapid introduction of legislation to allow for unimpeded access to legal, free and safe terminations in both the Twenty-Six and Six County states.”
In adopting a pro-choice position on the provision of termination services éirígí repeats its call for the intensification of sexual education programmes both within and without the formal education systems across Ireland and for the introduction of identical free contraception programmes in both the Six and Twenty-Six Counties.
The new éirígí policy on abortion replaces the one adopted in November 2012 which had allowed for terminations in a range of situations but fell short of a full pro-choice position.
There’s a very interesting article by Louise McGrath in Wednesday’s Dublin Inquirer about lesbians who fought in the 1916 Rising: http://dublininquirer.com/2015/11/25/remembering-the-lesbians-who-fought-in-the-easter-rising/
The article is based on information provided to McGrath by Mary McAuliffe, a lecturer in women’s studies at UCD and former president of the Women’s Historical Association, along with Workers Party Dublin city councillor Eilis Ryan and Brian Merriman, the founder of the International Dublin Gay Theatre festival.
The article identifies not only a few well-known cases of gay women and men from that era – Eva Gore-Booth and Esther Roper (although they weren’t participants in the Rising) and Roger Casement – but also talks about several lesbian couples who were: Kathleen Lynn and Madeleine ffrench-Mullen (both of whom took part in the Rising and held rank in the Irish Citizen Army) and Elizabeth Farrell and Julia Grennan (Farrell being the person who accompanied Pearse to surrender to the Brits). It also notes the bisexuality of Read the rest of this entry →
Posted in 1913 lockout, British state repression (general), Civil War period, General revolutionary history, Historiography and historical texts, Irish Citizen Army, Political education and theory, Prisoners - past, Republicanism post-1900, Revolutionary figures, The road to the Easter Rising, Trade unions, War for Independence period, Women, Women in republican history, Women prisoners, Women's rights
“From Civil Rights to the Bailout: Social movements, workers agitation, and left-wing activism in Ireland, 1968-2010”
Irish Centre for Histories of Labour and Class
19-20 June 2015
From the Civil Rights Movement to contemporary protests against austerity, the years since 1968 have witnessed widespread and varied social movements in communities, workplaces and colleges throughout Ireland, North and South, that have fought for, and resisted, social change. These movements have spurred the growth of numerous organisations ranging from those advocating limited reform, to those advancing revolutionary change in society. However, despite its immediate relevance to an understanding of contemporary Ireland, the lack of historical research conducted in the agents and resisters of social change since 1968 is a noticeable gap in the study of class and politics in Ireland. This interdisciplinary conference hopes to address this.
We welcome scholarly contributions of 20 minutes from established academics to students on any issue that falls under the remit of the conference title. The conference also affords us the opportunity to preserve and generate sources for the benefit of future researchers. We hope to offer workshops on oral history and the preservation, including digitisation, of documentation such as leaflets, posters and periodicals. To this end, we especially want to hear from activists in movements and organisations from the period who may be interested in sharing their experiences and documentation in a friendly and open environment.
Possible topics for papers include but are not limited to:
* Civil Rights in Northern Ireland
* Trade union growth, activism, and change
* Workplace strikes/occupations
* Left Social Democratic groups (e.g. Socialist Labour Party, Liaison of the Left, etc)
* Socialist Republicanism
* Trotskyist, Communist, and other Leninist groups
* Anarchist and other libertarian groups
* Catholic Worker, Christian Socialist groups
* Left-wing periodicals
* Community campaigns (e.g. housing, drugs, hospital closures, water charges)
* Second Wave Feminism and Women’s rights (e.g. equal pay, access to contraception, divorce, abortion rights)
* LGBT rights
* Anti-globalisation movement
* Anti-war movement
* Solidarity campaigns on issues abroad (e.g. Nicaragua, Vietnam, Miners’ Strike, apartheid in South Africa)
* Student activism * Media representation of social movements, trade unionism, and left-wing activism
If you wish to present a paper, please send an abstract of no more than 300 words and a short biography including affiliation, if any, by 31 March 2015 to David Convery at email@example.com
If you were/are an activist in this area and are interested in attending, please let us know at the same address by the same date. We would be especially grateful if you could inform us if you are willing to share your experiences as part of an oral history interview and/or have documentation which would be of interest. All documentation will remain the possession of the owner.
For more information, please see the conference website at: http://fromcivilrightstothebailout.wordpress.com
Posted in 1981 hunger strike, Anti-household and anti-water tax, Anti-nuclear movement, Catholic church/church-state relations, Censorship, Civil rights movement, Democratic rights - general, Economy and workers' resistance, Historiography and historical texts, Internationalism, Irish politics today, Political education and theory, Public events - Ireland, Republicanism 1960s, Social conditions, Trade unions, Women's rights, Youth and youth rights
Given the excitement caused in Ireland, north and south, by The Pill folks might be interested in this new book called The Birth of the Pill, reviewed by a friend of mine here: https://rdln.wordpress.com/2015/02/07/in-review-the-birth-of-the-pill/
This first went up on the site back on April 28 this year; I’m putting it back up on the home page because it remains relevant. I’ll be highlighting it continuously as long as I need to!
One of the products of the end of the Provisionals’ armed struggle in the six counties and their signing up to, and enthusiastic participation in, an internal settlement there is that the kind of historical revisionism that was officially-backed from about the mid-1970s until the end of the 1990s has become outmoded. The kind of nonsense delivered up by the likes of a would-be Sebastian Flyte such as Roy Foster is now surplus to requirements.
Instead, there is a new war over ‘1916 and all that’. The southern establishment is much more relaxed about recognising and celebrating the importance of 1916 than they have been at any time since the explosion in the six counties at the end of the 1960s and start of the 1970s. On the other hand, the establishment is vitally keen on tying the 1916 rebellion and subsequent war for independence into its own history. They want to present the events of 1916-21 as finding their natural and logical conclusion in the establishment and development of the 26-county state.
Moreover, they want to show that this state and its population, or certainly its ruling elite, have ‘matured’ to the level of putting the old ‘enmity’ with England behind them. ‘We’ can now recognise the ‘sacrifices’ made by Orangemen in the First World War and also commemorate men from nationalist Ireland who joined the British imperialist army and died on the slaughter fields of that war. It’s all just part of Ireland’s rich and diverse Read the rest of this entry →
Posted in 21st century republicanism and socialism, éirígí, Bernadette (Devlin) McAliskey, British state repression (general), Commemorations, Economy and workers' resistance, General revolutionary history, Historiography and historical texts, Independent Workers Union, Internationalism, Irish Citizen Army, Irish politics today, IRSP, James Connolly, Padraic Pearse, Partition, Political education and theory, Prisoners - current, Prisoners - past, Public events - Ireland, Repression and resistance in the six counties today, Repression in 26-county state, Republican Network for Unity, Republicanism post-1900, Revolutionary figures, Secret police, The road to the Easter Rising, Toadyism, Trade unions, Women, Women in republican history, Women's rights
The government hoped that the Protection of Life during Pregnancy Act 2013, which came into operation in January, would stifle the demand for change in favour of women’s rights. But the opposite has happened. There has been a new spate of protests over the first reported case under the new legislation. ‘Miss Y’, an asylum-seeker who arrived in Ireland early in the year, sought an abortion on the grounds that she was suicidal. Despite her clear desperation she was refused the procedure and forced to continue the pregnancy. Yet another victim of the misogyny embedded deep within the theocratic Catholic state and its institutions.
The 2013 act was reluctantly introduced by the government in response to immense pressure from the population. Opinion polls have consistently shown an overwhelming majority in favour of some abortion rights. One published in the Irish Times in June 2013 showed over 80% in favour where there is a risk to the health of the mother: ie, the British system. A similar number supported abortion on the grounds of rape, foetal abnormality and other difficult circumstances. Almost 40% supported the proposal that women should be able to access abortion on the grounds of choice. It was a population very clearly out of kilter with its government.
Clare Daly, then a Socialist Party TD, introduced a private members bill in November 2012 demanding legislative action for abortion. She argued that the government needed to implement the decision in the ‘X case’ – a leading high court judgment from 1992, which ruled that women should be allowed an abortion if their lives were at risk from suicide. She claimed that this was a way of getting the issue discussed for the first time by Leinster House; it was a step in the right direction. Certainly it did spur a major debate, with many women coming out for the first time to talk openly about their abortions. It coincided with outrage over
Posted in 1913 lockout, Civil War period, Commemorations, Constance Markievicz, Free State in 1920s, 1930s and 1940s, General revolutionary history, Hunger strikes, Irish Citizen Army, Political education and theory, Prisoners - past, Public events - Ireland, Republicanism post-1900, Revolutionary figures, The road to the Easter Rising, War for Independence period, Women, Women in republican history, Women prisoners, Women's rights
by Mick Healy
On Saturday (April 26) a very interesting meeting took place in the Cobblestone pub in Smithfield Dublin. The meeting marked the 100th anniversary of the founding of Cumann na mBan and was addressed by Dr. Mary McAuliffe, a lecturer in Irish Women’s History at UCD and is President of the Irish Women’s History Association. The room was packed out, with standing room only for some attendees.
Dr MacAuliffe discussd the founding of Cumann na mBan, on 2nd April 1914 in Wynn’s Hotel, Abbey Street, attended by approximately 100 women. She explored the role women played in the national liberation movement, the debates that emerged regarding that role, and the nature of Cumann na mBan’s relationship with the wider women’s suffrage movement. The participants at the meeting contributed to a lively Q&A session.
The meeting was organised by the Stoneybatter and Smithfield Peoples History Project. The talk was recorded and a video will be put up on Youtube in a few days.
Commemoration event for socialist-republican activist Winifred Carney, marking the 70th anniversary of her death and the 100th anniversary of the 1913 Dublin Lockout. Sunday 24th November, assembling at 2.30pm at the gates of Milltown cemetery, Falls Road, Belfast. Bígí Linn.
To read more about Carney, a member of the ITGWU, the Irish Citizen Army, participant in the Easter Rising in 1916, and a socialist-republican until her death, click here.
Posted in 1913 lockout, éirígí, Civil War period, Commemorations, Democratic rights - general, Economy and workers' resistance, Free State in 1920s, 1930s and 1940s, General revolutionary history, Historiography and historical texts, Irish Citizen Army, Prisoners - past, Public events - Ireland, Republicanism post-1900, Revolutionary figures, Social conditions, The road to the Easter Rising, Trade unions, War for Independence period, Women, Women in republican history, Women prisoners, Women's rights